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La navigation atlantique était donc un cabotage, même si on ne peut exclure quelques traversées hauturières, en profitant de quelques journées de grand calme.

Enfin, il était plus sûr de ne naviguer que de jour, afin de mieux observer le ciel et de prévoir, le plus tôt possible, les changements de temps.

Et ceci pour trois raisons: Sans doute cette embarcation est-elle datée du Haut Moyen Âge, mais plusieurs épaves de la Tami- se, celles du IIe siècle notamment Mardsen et , sont du même genre, ou encore le bateau de Bruges, daté également du IIe siècle Mardsen Leur vitesse Le bateau était aussi bien plus rapide que le chariot de transport de marchandises.

César traversa la Manche avec son armée en environ 6 heures. Indiquons plutôt quelques exemples parfaitement sûrs, pris dans la longue série établie par J. Sur la Loire, se trouvaient, face à face, Nantes et Rézé.

Provost , 29 et Sur la Gironde, se trouvaient Barzan et Bordeaux. Relié à Saintes par une bonne route, il assurait un important trafic entre le chef-lieu de la cité des Santons et Bordeaux et vers tout le bassin de la Garonne. Burdigala était la première cité marchande du Golfe de Gascogne. Son rayonnement commercial, conféré par une exceptionnelle situation géographique, est attesté par une abondante documentation littéraire, épigraphique et archéologique.

Son port est encore mal connu. Aussi notre liste est-elle probablement incomplète et, pour ceux que nous mentionnons, les informations sont à la fois incertaines et lacunaires. Sur le territoire de la cité des Pictons, sont localisés les sites portuaires de Prigny aux Moutiers Provost , , de Nallier Provost et al. Les deux rives du fleuve, en aval et en amont du grand pont de la voie de Lyon, devaient être plus ou moins bien aménagées, soit simplement renforcées par des palissades de pieux, soit dotées de véritables quais.

Pour la localisation des autres établissement portuaires possibles, il paraît logique de proposer des situations similaires, sur les anciens estuaires des petites rivières: Enfin, sur la côte rocheuse du Pays Basque, les abris naturels redeviennent nombreux et au moins deux ports peuvent y être situés.

Tobie et Chansac Ces vestiges, du Ier siècle ap. On connaît en effet parfaitement les gabarres du Tarn et de la Dordogne, ou encore, grâce aux travaux de G. Caster et de J. Bernard, les couraux des marchands bordelais et des pastelliers toulousains qui naviguaient sur la Garonne aux XVe et XVIe siècles Caster , 76; Bernard , La forme et les dimensions de ces embarcations étaient tout à fait comparables à celles de certaines barques fluviales gallo-romaines.

On a déjà insisté sur le tonnage des embarcations et leur très grande supériorité par rapport à la capacité de charge des chariots, aussi bien des navires de mer que des barques de rivières.

Enfin, ne pas oublier la médiocrité de beaucoup de chemins. Les transports par voie de terre Toutefois les voies terrestres restaient indispensables. Aussi étaient-elles nombreuses, notamment en Aquitaine, comme le montre la carte de la fig.

Les Aquitains devaient alors emprunter des routes de direction méridienne, comme la grande voie Dax — Bordeaux — Saintes — Poitiers — Tours, qui était sans doute la plus fréquentée. Mais également celui des grands fleuves, même de la Loire et de la Garonne sur la première partie de leur cours, où, certaines années, généralement en août et septembre, les maigres sont extrêmement prononcés.

En effet, plusieurs itinéraires pouvaient être empruntés entre les deux villes. Les simples voyageurs pouvaient choisir en fonction de leurs préoccupations, de leurs nécessités et aussi de la saison. Pour les marchands, le mode de transport dépendait surtout de la valeur des produits dont ils faisaient commerce.

Certaines marchandises de grande valeur étaient assurément expédiées par la route: Navires et gens de mer à Bordeaux vers Carte archéologique de la Gaule. Un aspect de la géographie des transports dans la Narbonnaise rhodanienne: Le trésor de Garonne. Hommes et fleuves en Gaule romaine. Ships of the port of London: Le tonnage maximum des navires de commerce romains, Archaeonautica, 2, Des bateaux et des fleuves. Mélanges offerts à Louis Maurin, Bordeaux, Les voies de communication de la cité de Toulouse, in Pailler, J.

Le bassin de la Garonne: Significant, among other things, were the introduction and consumption of oil and wine. Both could not be produced here, as neither vines nor olive trees could grow in the harsh climate.

Any evidence for wine and oil, therefore, means that these must have been imported from warmer areas on the continent. There are, of course, no remaining archaeological traces for the products themselves; but the distinct packaging and transport vessels are indirect proof of their existence.

The round bodied amphorae of the type Dressel 20 and related forms, for example, are generally seen as typical containers of olive oil. If the distribution of these amphorae in the western half of the Roman Empire is mapped, they are found throughout all areas of all western Provinces1.

The wide spread of these containers does enable conclusions on the eating and cooking customs in the Roman period. Attempting to recreate ancient trade routes, however, is another matter, in which they are of only marginal use. Of more use in this respect is the study of Dressel type 30 amphorae, which were used for the transport of wine from Gaul.

As early as Peacock mapped and interpreted the distribution of these vessels2. It is interesting to note that these amphorae are found in a thin band from the river Rhone, along the Rhine, and all the way to Britain3. Yet it cannot be identified for certain whether the Dressel 30 amphorae on the Rhine are evidence for a trade route, or for the consumption of wine from Gaul by the local population.

Roman Pottery in Britain, 89 ff. The Rhine and the problems of Gaulish wine in Roman Britain, in: Roman shipping and trade: Britain and the Rhine provinces. CBA Research Report 24, 49 ff. There was trading of various goods between the continent and Britain in the Roman period. The trading to Britain of goods produced on the continent was controlled by the negotiatores Britanniciani, as is known from several inscriptions.

One of them is a dedicatory inscription from Cologne, an altar dedicated to Apollo by the freedman C. On it, he calls himself a negotiator Britannicianus. The inscriptions reads Apollini, C aius Aurelius C aii l ibertus Verus, negotiator Britannicianus, moritex, d onum d edit. L ocus d atus d ecreto d ecurionum. A second example is known from Bordeaux5. In this case it is the tombstone of Lucius Solimarius Secundinus, a citizen of Trier: D is M anibus.

L ucio Solimario Secundino, civi Trevero, neg otiator Britan niciano. Apart from these individual finds there are an entire group of traders with Britain, which were all found in the same region: Several shrines to the goddess Nehalennia, some partly sunk in the sea, were found here.

Unfortunately only one badly preserved inscription mentioning a negotiator Britannicianus was found near Domburg. Yet a whole series of altars dedicated to the goddess Nehalennia by negotiatores Britanniciani were found at a sanctuary that must have been located near the site of Colijnsplaat.

Judging from the inscriptions, the cult of Nehalennia was widely popular here around AD This indicates that Placidus came from the region of Rouen on the Seine in France. The origins of two further merchants are also known from dedicatory inscriptions to the goddess Nehalennia: In h onorem d omus d ivinae , deae Nehalenniae, G aius Gatullinius Secco, negotiator allecarius, cives Trever, pro se et suis v otum l ibens p osuit 7.

The third individual whose home is known from these inscriptions also comes from Trier: M arcus Exgingius Agricola, cives Trever, negotiator salarius C oloniae C laudiae A rae A grippinensium v otum s olvit l ibens m erito 8. Gaius Gatullinius Secco traded in fish-sauce, but Exgingius Agricola engaged in salt trade for the city of Cologne. In both cases it is not clear, whether they were involved in trade with Britain.

In view of the findspot of the inscriptions, however, this is usually assumed. The trading area of Marcus Secundinius Silvanus, on the other hand, definitely included Britain. He, too, dedicated an altar to the goddess Nehalennia near Colijnsplaat. The badly preserved inscription was read by Prof. Bogaers after its discovery: Deae Nehalenniae, ob merces recte conservatas M arcus Secund inius?

Silvanus, negotiator cretariu[s] Britannicianu[s], v otum s olvit l ibens m erito 9. A notable aspect of this inscription is the mentioning of the product he seems to have exported to Britain, he was a trader in pottery. There is another altar dedicated to the goddess Nehalennia by Marcus Secundinius Silvanus, presumably with the same text. It was found with the sanctuary of Nehalennia at Domburg Interestingly, it is the only dedicatory inscription from Domburg that was put up by a merchant.

None of the other inscriptions from this site mention occupations. It would appear that merchants preferred to use the sanctuary of Nehalennia at Colijnsplaat. The inscriptions of Marcus Secundinus Silvanus therefore show that in the Roman period pottery trade with Britain was in control of a special group of merchants, the negotiatores cretarii Britannniciani. Pottery is an especially useful tool for the study of trade routes.

Naturally amphorae, too, are made from clay — but they served a primary function as vessels for transport. In this case the goods that were traded were the contents, not the vessels themselves. In the case of the pottery merchants, however, the vessels themselves were the object of trade.

There are three kinds of pottery which might be traded by the negotiatores cretarii Britanniciani, because they were produced in the Gallo-Germanic area between the 2nd and 4th century AD and were found in Britain. The distribution area in which moulded sigillata from Rheinzabern mainly is found consists of southern Germania Superior and the territories along the Danube.

Yet some moulded sigillata from the workshops at this site are found on the lower Rhine and in Britain This is hardly surprising, as it is a direct consequence of the location of the production centre.

But some vessels were brought to areas further afield, of which the ones in the lower Rhine area and the British Isles are of particular interest. Finally the cooking ware of the Mayen ware was produced in Mayen in the Eifel region in Germany. Because of the quality of theses pots, they were traded over long distances, and are even found in Britain.

All three centres of production —Rheinzabern, Trier and Mayen— have one thing in common: The distribution of wares from Trier and Rheinzabern shows that transport of pottery did indeed take place primarily on rivers. While both wares are found in Britain and the lower Rhine region as well as on the middle Danube, one needs to take into account the density of finds. As we are dealing with two entirely different products, a splitting of the market between two groups of merchants cannot have been the reason for this phenomenon.

If we consider the position of the two production sites, however, it becomes apparent that they are situated to the north and south respectively of a 11 MEES, A. Monographien RGZM, 52, fig.

The temple of Nehalennia at Domburg, 70, no. In modern times a clear way has been blasted through the rocks, and the course of the river has been adjusted in order for big river vessels to pass this particular stretch of river. This typical distribution pattern, caused by a natural obstruction, shows clearly that products from the Rhine — Mosel area were transported to the coast by ship along rivers, before they were finally brought to Britain.

Due to their depth under water, seaworthy transport vessels could not have been the sole vessels to carry out this task. It is rather more likely that the goods were transported to the coast on lighter river vessels with less draught. Only once they reached the coast were they loaded onto larger vessels that were capable of making the Channel crossing. These are vessels with a flat bottom with much defined edges. This almost rectangular form ensured that they did not sink too deep into the water.

As both ends of the vessel rose upwards slightly, it was possible to run the ship up a bank to some extent — a feature that would have eased loading and unloading considerably.

Whenever some cargo was found with the remains of these vessels, it consisted of either grain or building materials. Both types are goods that need not have been transported from the continent to the British Isles, as they were available in abundance there. In the context of this information the cargoes make perfect sense. Grain was used for the supply of the soldiers, building materials —especially stone and tile— were essential for the building of forts.

Yet there is no straightforward and secure evidence that these vessels may have been used for civilian purposes. Model of the wreck Zwammerdam 2 as an example of a Prahm This means that, for any study of civilian shipping on rivers we have to rely solely on Roman ship representations.

In any study of Roman ship iconography in a civilian context, completely new types of ship appear. At the same time a large range of ship types emerges His tombstone, now in the Landesmuseum Mainz, was found at MainzWeisenau and shows Blussus and his family on the front. The back of the stone shows the reason for his prosperity — it appears that he owned a ship for transporting goods along the Rhine fig. In any case it is difficult to believe that Blussus or his family would have accepted a representation of his vessel that did not bear relation to the actual ship.

The ship on the grave stone of Blussus from Mainz-Weisenau The rising ends of his vessel, especially the stern, are characteristic features.

A rudder at the stern was used for steering. To assist with the steering, another oar is being operated by a man in the bow. The ship was propelled by oars — indicated here by two oarsmen in the stern, sitting just in front of the helmsman. The short mast further shows that the ship could have been towed. Unfortunately, it is not possible to identify the cargo for certain, even though it appears to consist of boxes.

There would hardly have been space for more than the four crew members once some cargo was stowed between the mast and the rudder and the propulsion oars.

At least it shows that the ship on the tombstone of Blussus is not a creation of some stonema14 Now kept in the Römisch-Germanisches Museum, Cologne.

Relief of a part of a ship from Cologne The three vessels depicted on the base of the Tiber also seem to have had flat bottoms. This sculpture is today kept in the Louvre. Their association with the personified river Tiber makes it natural to interpret these vessels as typical Tiber ships, used to transport goods from Portus to Rome.

In this respect the Tiber vessels bear more resemblance to the heavy bulk carriers of type Zwammerdam. These vessels, however, are very different indeed.

While the steep but not very high stern may bear some resemblance to the Zwammerdam vessels, the bow is utterly different. It is curved upwards, a feature common to all three vessels on the relief.

On one we can further see a mast used for towing. Model of a small cargo boat from the Tiber statue in the Louvre A ship representation from Jünkerath in Germany, now in the Rheinisches Landesmuseum Trier, is somewhat similar, yet considerably easier to interpret fig. While the ship itself is not represented on this fragment, the sail is clearly visible.

It is easy to discern the crosswise spars which strengthen the sail. This solves the problem posed by the sail of the Bad Kreuznach representation. This too, must have been a sail supported with spars. This type of sail is much easier to operate by a small crew. The curving bow of the Tiber vessels is reminiscent of a vessel found on a mosaic in the Roman villa of Bad Kreuznach in Germany fig. But the shape of the bow is the only common element of the vessels indeed; in all other respects the vessel from Bad Kreuznach looks entirely different.

This vessel does not have a flat bottom, but is of a rounded shape. The cargo consists of amphorae. The main method of propulsion seems to have been the sail - one can see it has become loose and the crew is busy attempting to draw it back in.

This sail merits further attention. The waved edges of the sail could not flap like this, even in the heaviest storm. As the rest of the image is of convincing accuracy, there must be a specific reason for this design. Relief from Jünkerath Typical transport vessels in the interior appear to have been canoe-shaped vessels. These are found most frequently on relevant Roman representations. One of them, loaded with barrels, is to be seen on a relief in the museum at Avignon fig.

The vessel is being towed from the bank. The ropes are tied to the towing mast. The helmsman in the stern is obviously attempting to keep the craft on course by steering against the direction of tow. Even though men, vessel and cargo are by no means displayed with accurate proportions in this depiction, it is still clear that we are dealing with a small vessel.

The Altar is now kept in the Rijksmuseum in Leiden fig. In this case the cargo also consists of barrels, which appear to be stacked two high. They fill the ship almost completely. One oarsman can be identified in the bow.

Again, the image suggests a rather small craft with few crew members. The canoe on the relief from Avignon and the model The canoe-like vessel on the column in Igel, a small site near Trier, seems to have been somewhat longer fig.

It is found on the base of a large monument, the tomb of a cloth-trader. The image shows his goods being transported. This vessel is also being towed by two people. Just as in the case of the Avignon ship, the helmsman is shown using his rudder to steer against the direction of tow. In this case, too, there appears to have been virtually no space for anything but cargo and the three crew members.

The canoe on an altar for the goddess Nehalennia and the model On the basis of these representations of Roman river craft that belong to a civilian context, we can therefore reach three conclusions: There is a wide variety of ship types, reaching from flat-bottomed vessels all the way to canoe-like boats.

The canoe on the Igel column and the model 15 Deae Nehalenniae catalogue of the exhibition in Middelburg 77 no. Regardless of type, all ships are of relatively small size and have a remarkably small crew. None of these vessels would have been able to sail the open sea. The English Channel could therefore not have been crossed in boats like these. The representations of ships therefore support the earlier thesis that goods produced in the interior — i.

Only upon reaching the coast were the goods transferred into larger, seaworthy merchant vessels before making the crossing to Britain. Further proof of this thesis is found amongst the votive altars to the goddess Nehalennia. A typical image, of which there are several examples, shows the goddess putting one foot onto a ship. As opposed to the smaller craft we know from the inland, this vessel appears larger, and indeed seaworthy.

Original remnants of such vessels that moved cargoes to and from Britain have survived until modern times. They are big ships with a deck to protect the cargo and a solid steering system. As we can reconstruct the route of the cargo from the Rhine — Mosel area to Britain, we have to ask ourselves what kind of organisational link existed between the men trading and those transporting the cargoes.

From inscriptions in Gaul we know big corporations of navicularii and nautae, who were responsible for the transport over sea or on the rivers Rhône and Saône. Sometimes, the patroni of theses corporations had been rich merchants, which shows a close connection between the ship owners and the traders Following this observation, it does not seem impossible that the negotiatores Britanniciani, too, worked together with special corporations of ship owners.

In Germania inferior and superior inscriptions of such corporations are missing. There is only one inscription of a nauta, who seems to be involved in sea trade. He set up an altar to the goddess Nehalennia with the typical depiction of a sea going ship But we do not know whether he was part of a corporation of ship owners. Amongst all depictions of river craft we noted not only that they were small, but also that they appear to have been manned with very small crews.

Just this method of using a crew of only few suggests that we are dealing with small transport firms with only one ship, and only a couple of hired hands. At the moment it is not clearly discernible whether those ship owners sailed at their own expense, as freelance, so to speak, or whether they were bound to certain merchants by contracts.

Este conocimiento se ve sin duda favorecido por la implantación en la zona de elementos típicamente romanos, como es la estructuración de su territorio en civitates. Es muy frecuente ver que en Hispania, por ejemplo, se establece un mapa étnico que corresponde a la etapa de la pax Augusta que se suele incluso completar y rellenar con los datos ofrecidos por autores posteriores, principalmente Plinio y Ptolomeo1. Gorbea, dentro del citado Proyecto, para la realización de su Tesis Doctoral.

En este sentido hay un hecho claro: Como acertadamente apuntan P. El conocimiento de los pueblos del golfo de Bizkaia por los romanos: No es posible conocer a estos pueblos desde una interpretación literal de los textos de los autores antiguos, ya que esto puede conducir a graves errores.

El historiador no debe limitarse a repetir la información que trasmiten las fuentes literarias, sino que tiene que comprobar su veracidad e interpretarla3.

Un estudio completo y detallado, así como una interpretación relativamente novedosa puede verse en la Tesis Doctoral que M. Este autor no visitó personalmente la Península por lo que muchos de sus datos proceden de fuentes anteriores, principalmente las obras de Posidonio, Asclepíades y Artemidoro. Se puede afirmar que en gran medida la descripción que de Hispania hace Estrabón no corresponde a su tiempo época de Augusto y Tiberio , sino a una etapa anterior a la conquista, es la Iberia que Posidonio conoció hacia el a.

L Van der Vliet, , Su Chorografia fue redactada en tiempos de Claudio, pero también utiliza fuentes anteriores con datos sobre todo de M. Vipsanio Agripa y M. La Naturalis Historia de C. Pero la realidad que aparece en su obra no es la de su tiempo, sino la de una etapa anterior, ya que muchas de las referencias son tomadas de Agripa y Varrón.

A los autrigones atribuye diez civitates, entre ellas Tritium y Virovesca7. En el libro siguiente 4, hace refe6 3, Por entre ellos y los salenos, el Saunio. La traducción de éste y el resto de textos de Plinio es de A.

Morogi, Menosca y Vesperies9. En este sentido, si omite Flaviobriga, fundación de Vespasiano, es porque la fórmula de la Citerior que utiliza corresponde a los primeros tiempos del reinado de Claudio d. Le Roux y J. Se trata de una lectura dudosa ya que la inscripción se encuentra muy fragmentada.

Como indica Alföldy , es muy probable que la tercera línea de la inscripción esté mal leída y que falte el nombre de otra comunidad hispana: En su obra 2, 6, 52 ss. Del mismo modo informa de que los autrigones limitan por el Sur con los berones, que por medio de su territorio corre el río Ebro 2, 6, 64 , y que les pertenece la desembocadura del río Neroua y la civitas de Flaviobriga 2, 6, 7.

Son evidentes las contradicciones entre los autores antiguos en lo referente a la extensión y los límites que se establecen para cada uno de estos pueblos. Pero no vamos a entrar en este tema, pues, como decíamos anteriormente, ha sido tratado con profusión en la bibliografía que se recoge al final del trabajo, sobre todo en el trabajo de E.

Ortiz de Urbina, y tiene un tratamiento relativamente novedoso en la Tesis Doctoral de M. Una inscripción hace referencia a una cohors carietum et veniaesum CIL V, Hay que llamar la atención sobre el hecho de que en dos de las tres ocasiones en que se menciona a los caristos, éstos aparecen unidos a los vennenses, y son nombrados con el término carietes.

Por otro lado hallamos a carietes y vennenses formando parte de la misma cohors y hemos de recordar que era frecuente la formación de unidades auxiliares a partir de dos grupos étnicos vecinos J. García y Bellido , considera a los vennenses vecinos de los caristos por el Sur, piensa que debían ocupar buena parte de la actual provincia de Alava, hasta el Ebro.

Sin embargo, es imposible por el momento llegar a delimitar el territorio que este grupo de población controlaba. Lo que puede deducirse de las fuentes es que entre carietes y vennenses habría una gran afinidad y es posible que entre el siglo I y el siglo II de nuestra era se realizara un proceso de fusión, de unificación de ambos grupos, proceso que explicaría la no aparición de los vennenses en la obra de Ptolomeo, como veremos.

Ortiz de Urbina, Véase ahora la Tesis de M. Hay que tener presente que son los primeros momentos de contacto con Roma, ya que, a la luz de los datos que proporciona Ptolomeo, a mediados del siglo II d. En este contexto fueron los geógrafos antiguos los que a la hora de transmitir la información, simplificaron en exceso sus textos dando lugar con sus afirmaciones a interpretaciones posteriores que han llevado a equívocos.

Dejando aparte esta discusión por estar ampliamente tratada tanto en E. Ortiz de Urbina, como en M. El resto de referencias de delimitación de estas poblaciones puede verse in extenso en el artículo citado de J.

Santos, y M. Bosch Gimpera que es la que recogemos aquí. Véase in extenso en J. Las primeras noticias concretas sobre los pueblos de Aquitania se deben a César a. Dejando aparte las exageraciones necesarias para aumentar su reputación militar, César es el primero que reconoce y describe a Aquitania como una región diferente en lengua y cultura a la Galia.

El nombre de Aquitania, no siempre referido en la Antigüedad al mismo territorio, fue utilizado por primera vez por César BG 1,7 , al nombrar a una de las tres partes en que se dividía la Galia. Al este del Garona, hasta Toulouse, estaba la Provincia romana.

En su reorganización provincial del imperio, Augusto añadió a la Aquitania los catorce pueblos galos entre el Garona y el Loira, con lo que el nombre se aplica a un territorio inmensamente mayor.

Dax , los auscos y los convenos, en el interior, a quienes los romanos han concedido el Latium posteriormente al año 27 a. Al contrario, las tierras del interior, tanto de los auscos, como de los convenos, son mejores Algunos de estos pueblos se extienden hasta el curso del Ródano y por las llanuras de la Narbonense.

Habitan entre el río Garuna, que les sirve de frontera, y el monte Pirene. Por tratarse de una división territorial pequeña le fue añadida la zona comprendida entre el Garuna y el Líger. Ambos ríos son casi paralelos al Pirene, configurando con él dos regiones en forma de paralelogramo cuyos otros costados son el Océano y los montes cemenos.

Sobre un total de unos dos mil estadios es posible la navegación por cada uno de ellos. No les pagan tributos no es cierto a partir del año 56, fecha de la conquista de Aquitania por P. Licinio Craso y tienen un enclave comercial, Burdigala, junto al estuario determinado por las desembocaduras del río.

El Líger desemboca entre los píctones y los namnetos. En tiempos remotos existía junto al río un enclave comercial, Corbilo Realiza, sin embargo, una enumeración pormenorizada de los numerosos pueblos de Aquitania, diciendo de alguno de ellos que son libres, pero sin mayores especificaciones Ptolomeo menciona 2, 7, 1 ss. Los pueblos pertenecientes a los aquitanos y situados entre el Garuna y el Líger son: Por la parte que da al Océano, los santones, que habitan, como ya hemos dicho, junto al Garuna, y los píctones, ribereños del Líger.

Con la reforma de Diocleciano, en la diocesis Viennensis hay dos provincias, Aquitania prima y Aquitania secunda, cuyo nombre se refiere a la zona entre el Garona y el Loira, la que fue añadida por Augusto a su provincia Aquitania cuando la reorganización provincial.

A la Aquitania de César se le llama ahora Novempopulana A su vez limítrofes con la provincia Narbonense, los rutenos, los cadurcos, los nitióbriges y los petrócoros, separados de los tolosanos por el río Tarne. En la obra de Plinio s. Pero, mientras Plinio segunda mitad del s. III o el s. Se trataría en este caso de una especie de autonomía administrativa para la leva de reclutas e impuestos y la creación de una verdadera provincia debía esperar a la reorganización administrativa de Diocleciano.

Santos Yanguas, , passim y G. Pereira Menaut, , Capalbo Liesa, , 49 ss. Pero, probablemente por la naturaleza inhóspita para la agricultura de la zona costera, de la que nos habla Estrabón vid. A pesar de que la capital de la Aquitania de Augusto es Saintes, Burdeos sigue siendo importante por su papel de puerto notable desde el punto de vista económico y como redistribuidor de productos a lo largo de las vías de agua.

Se trata de Morogi y Vesperies. Ambas carecen de una ubicación segura. Lo mismo sucede con Vesperies. Ninguna de las localizaciones propuestas, Eibar, Azpeitia, Hondarribia y Ciérvana, tiene base real, salvo la ubicación siguiendo los grados ptolemaicos.

No obstante, los trabajos arqueológicos realizados en Forua y sus alrededores por A. Martínez Salcedo y M. No hay base suficiente para inclinarse por una u otra explicación, pero difícilmente se compadece con la actuación de los romanos en esta época para 22 R. Iglesias, y C. Morillo, , citados en la bibliografía. Esta vía, la Ab Asturica Burdigalam Itin. A la mayoría de las civitates cuya identificación con un lugar actual es bastante probable aunque no sólo las ubicadas en esta vía se les puede asignar un doble yacimiento, un castro de la Edad del Hierro y, en las cercanías, un yacimiento romano, cuya vida se inicia inmediatamente después de la conquista romana y que se abandona a partir del s.

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Judging from the inscriptions, the cult of Nehalennia was widely popular here around AD This indicates that Placidus came from the region of Rouen on the Seine in France. The origins of two further merchants are also known from dedicatory inscriptions to the goddess Nehalennia: In h onorem d omus d ivinae , deae Nehalenniae, G aius Gatullinius Secco, negotiator allecarius, cives Trever, pro se et suis v otum l ibens p osuit 7.

The third individual whose home is known from these inscriptions also comes from Trier: M arcus Exgingius Agricola, cives Trever, negotiator salarius C oloniae C laudiae A rae A grippinensium v otum s olvit l ibens m erito 8. Gaius Gatullinius Secco traded in fish-sauce, but Exgingius Agricola engaged in salt trade for the city of Cologne. In both cases it is not clear, whether they were involved in trade with Britain. In view of the findspot of the inscriptions, however, this is usually assumed.

The trading area of Marcus Secundinius Silvanus, on the other hand, definitely included Britain. He, too, dedicated an altar to the goddess Nehalennia near Colijnsplaat.

The badly preserved inscription was read by Prof. Bogaers after its discovery: Deae Nehalenniae, ob merces recte conservatas M arcus Secund inius? Silvanus, negotiator cretariu[s] Britannicianu[s], v otum s olvit l ibens m erito 9. A notable aspect of this inscription is the mentioning of the product he seems to have exported to Britain, he was a trader in pottery.

There is another altar dedicated to the goddess Nehalennia by Marcus Secundinius Silvanus, presumably with the same text. It was found with the sanctuary of Nehalennia at Domburg Interestingly, it is the only dedicatory inscription from Domburg that was put up by a merchant.

None of the other inscriptions from this site mention occupations. It would appear that merchants preferred to use the sanctuary of Nehalennia at Colijnsplaat. The inscriptions of Marcus Secundinus Silvanus therefore show that in the Roman period pottery trade with Britain was in control of a special group of merchants, the negotiatores cretarii Britannniciani.

Pottery is an especially useful tool for the study of trade routes. Naturally amphorae, too, are made from clay — but they served a primary function as vessels for transport. In this case the goods that were traded were the contents, not the vessels themselves. In the case of the pottery merchants, however, the vessels themselves were the object of trade. There are three kinds of pottery which might be traded by the negotiatores cretarii Britanniciani, because they were produced in the Gallo-Germanic area between the 2nd and 4th century AD and were found in Britain.

The distribution area in which moulded sigillata from Rheinzabern mainly is found consists of southern Germania Superior and the territories along the Danube. Yet some moulded sigillata from the workshops at this site are found on the lower Rhine and in Britain This is hardly surprising, as it is a direct consequence of the location of the production centre. But some vessels were brought to areas further afield, of which the ones in the lower Rhine area and the British Isles are of particular interest.

Finally the cooking ware of the Mayen ware was produced in Mayen in the Eifel region in Germany. Because of the quality of theses pots, they were traded over long distances, and are even found in Britain.

All three centres of production —Rheinzabern, Trier and Mayen— have one thing in common: The distribution of wares from Trier and Rheinzabern shows that transport of pottery did indeed take place primarily on rivers. While both wares are found in Britain and the lower Rhine region as well as on the middle Danube, one needs to take into account the density of finds.

As we are dealing with two entirely different products, a splitting of the market between two groups of merchants cannot have been the reason for this phenomenon.

If we consider the position of the two production sites, however, it becomes apparent that they are situated to the north and south respectively of a 11 MEES, A. Monographien RGZM, 52, fig. The temple of Nehalennia at Domburg, 70, no. In modern times a clear way has been blasted through the rocks, and the course of the river has been adjusted in order for big river vessels to pass this particular stretch of river.

This typical distribution pattern, caused by a natural obstruction, shows clearly that products from the Rhine — Mosel area were transported to the coast by ship along rivers, before they were finally brought to Britain.

Due to their depth under water, seaworthy transport vessels could not have been the sole vessels to carry out this task. It is rather more likely that the goods were transported to the coast on lighter river vessels with less draught. Only once they reached the coast were they loaded onto larger vessels that were capable of making the Channel crossing.

These are vessels with a flat bottom with much defined edges. This almost rectangular form ensured that they did not sink too deep into the water. As both ends of the vessel rose upwards slightly, it was possible to run the ship up a bank to some extent — a feature that would have eased loading and unloading considerably.

Whenever some cargo was found with the remains of these vessels, it consisted of either grain or building materials. Both types are goods that need not have been transported from the continent to the British Isles, as they were available in abundance there.

In the context of this information the cargoes make perfect sense. Grain was used for the supply of the soldiers, building materials —especially stone and tile— were essential for the building of forts. Yet there is no straightforward and secure evidence that these vessels may have been used for civilian purposes. Model of the wreck Zwammerdam 2 as an example of a Prahm This means that, for any study of civilian shipping on rivers we have to rely solely on Roman ship representations.

In any study of Roman ship iconography in a civilian context, completely new types of ship appear. At the same time a large range of ship types emerges His tombstone, now in the Landesmuseum Mainz, was found at MainzWeisenau and shows Blussus and his family on the front. The back of the stone shows the reason for his prosperity — it appears that he owned a ship for transporting goods along the Rhine fig.

In any case it is difficult to believe that Blussus or his family would have accepted a representation of his vessel that did not bear relation to the actual ship. The ship on the grave stone of Blussus from Mainz-Weisenau The rising ends of his vessel, especially the stern, are characteristic features. A rudder at the stern was used for steering. To assist with the steering, another oar is being operated by a man in the bow. The ship was propelled by oars — indicated here by two oarsmen in the stern, sitting just in front of the helmsman.

The short mast further shows that the ship could have been towed. Unfortunately, it is not possible to identify the cargo for certain, even though it appears to consist of boxes. There would hardly have been space for more than the four crew members once some cargo was stowed between the mast and the rudder and the propulsion oars.

At least it shows that the ship on the tombstone of Blussus is not a creation of some stonema14 Now kept in the Römisch-Germanisches Museum, Cologne. Relief of a part of a ship from Cologne The three vessels depicted on the base of the Tiber also seem to have had flat bottoms. This sculpture is today kept in the Louvre.

Their association with the personified river Tiber makes it natural to interpret these vessels as typical Tiber ships, used to transport goods from Portus to Rome. In this respect the Tiber vessels bear more resemblance to the heavy bulk carriers of type Zwammerdam. These vessels, however, are very different indeed. While the steep but not very high stern may bear some resemblance to the Zwammerdam vessels, the bow is utterly different.

It is curved upwards, a feature common to all three vessels on the relief. On one we can further see a mast used for towing. Model of a small cargo boat from the Tiber statue in the Louvre A ship representation from Jünkerath in Germany, now in the Rheinisches Landesmuseum Trier, is somewhat similar, yet considerably easier to interpret fig.

While the ship itself is not represented on this fragment, the sail is clearly visible. It is easy to discern the crosswise spars which strengthen the sail.

This solves the problem posed by the sail of the Bad Kreuznach representation. This too, must have been a sail supported with spars. This type of sail is much easier to operate by a small crew. The curving bow of the Tiber vessels is reminiscent of a vessel found on a mosaic in the Roman villa of Bad Kreuznach in Germany fig.

But the shape of the bow is the only common element of the vessels indeed; in all other respects the vessel from Bad Kreuznach looks entirely different. This vessel does not have a flat bottom, but is of a rounded shape.

The cargo consists of amphorae. The main method of propulsion seems to have been the sail - one can see it has become loose and the crew is busy attempting to draw it back in. This sail merits further attention. The waved edges of the sail could not flap like this, even in the heaviest storm. As the rest of the image is of convincing accuracy, there must be a specific reason for this design.

Relief from Jünkerath Typical transport vessels in the interior appear to have been canoe-shaped vessels. These are found most frequently on relevant Roman representations. One of them, loaded with barrels, is to be seen on a relief in the museum at Avignon fig.

The vessel is being towed from the bank. The ropes are tied to the towing mast. The helmsman in the stern is obviously attempting to keep the craft on course by steering against the direction of tow.

Even though men, vessel and cargo are by no means displayed with accurate proportions in this depiction, it is still clear that we are dealing with a small vessel. The Altar is now kept in the Rijksmuseum in Leiden fig. In this case the cargo also consists of barrels, which appear to be stacked two high. They fill the ship almost completely. One oarsman can be identified in the bow. Again, the image suggests a rather small craft with few crew members.

The canoe on the relief from Avignon and the model The canoe-like vessel on the column in Igel, a small site near Trier, seems to have been somewhat longer fig. It is found on the base of a large monument, the tomb of a cloth-trader. The image shows his goods being transported. This vessel is also being towed by two people.

Just as in the case of the Avignon ship, the helmsman is shown using his rudder to steer against the direction of tow. In this case, too, there appears to have been virtually no space for anything but cargo and the three crew members.

The canoe on an altar for the goddess Nehalennia and the model On the basis of these representations of Roman river craft that belong to a civilian context, we can therefore reach three conclusions: There is a wide variety of ship types, reaching from flat-bottomed vessels all the way to canoe-like boats.

The canoe on the Igel column and the model 15 Deae Nehalenniae catalogue of the exhibition in Middelburg 77 no. Regardless of type, all ships are of relatively small size and have a remarkably small crew. None of these vessels would have been able to sail the open sea. The English Channel could therefore not have been crossed in boats like these.

The representations of ships therefore support the earlier thesis that goods produced in the interior — i. Only upon reaching the coast were the goods transferred into larger, seaworthy merchant vessels before making the crossing to Britain.

Further proof of this thesis is found amongst the votive altars to the goddess Nehalennia. A typical image, of which there are several examples, shows the goddess putting one foot onto a ship. As opposed to the smaller craft we know from the inland, this vessel appears larger, and indeed seaworthy. Original remnants of such vessels that moved cargoes to and from Britain have survived until modern times.

They are big ships with a deck to protect the cargo and a solid steering system. As we can reconstruct the route of the cargo from the Rhine — Mosel area to Britain, we have to ask ourselves what kind of organisational link existed between the men trading and those transporting the cargoes.

From inscriptions in Gaul we know big corporations of navicularii and nautae, who were responsible for the transport over sea or on the rivers Rhône and Saône. Sometimes, the patroni of theses corporations had been rich merchants, which shows a close connection between the ship owners and the traders Following this observation, it does not seem impossible that the negotiatores Britanniciani, too, worked together with special corporations of ship owners.

In Germania inferior and superior inscriptions of such corporations are missing. There is only one inscription of a nauta, who seems to be involved in sea trade.

He set up an altar to the goddess Nehalennia with the typical depiction of a sea going ship But we do not know whether he was part of a corporation of ship owners.

Amongst all depictions of river craft we noted not only that they were small, but also that they appear to have been manned with very small crews. Just this method of using a crew of only few suggests that we are dealing with small transport firms with only one ship, and only a couple of hired hands.

At the moment it is not clearly discernible whether those ship owners sailed at their own expense, as freelance, so to speak, or whether they were bound to certain merchants by contracts. Este conocimiento se ve sin duda favorecido por la implantación en la zona de elementos típicamente romanos, como es la estructuración de su territorio en civitates.

Es muy frecuente ver que en Hispania, por ejemplo, se establece un mapa étnico que corresponde a la etapa de la pax Augusta que se suele incluso completar y rellenar con los datos ofrecidos por autores posteriores, principalmente Plinio y Ptolomeo1.

Gorbea, dentro del citado Proyecto, para la realización de su Tesis Doctoral. En este sentido hay un hecho claro: Como acertadamente apuntan P. El conocimiento de los pueblos del golfo de Bizkaia por los romanos: No es posible conocer a estos pueblos desde una interpretación literal de los textos de los autores antiguos, ya que esto puede conducir a graves errores. El historiador no debe limitarse a repetir la información que trasmiten las fuentes literarias, sino que tiene que comprobar su veracidad e interpretarla3.

Un estudio completo y detallado, así como una interpretación relativamente novedosa puede verse en la Tesis Doctoral que M. Este autor no visitó personalmente la Península por lo que muchos de sus datos proceden de fuentes anteriores, principalmente las obras de Posidonio, Asclepíades y Artemidoro. Se puede afirmar que en gran medida la descripción que de Hispania hace Estrabón no corresponde a su tiempo época de Augusto y Tiberio , sino a una etapa anterior a la conquista, es la Iberia que Posidonio conoció hacia el a.

L Van der Vliet, , Su Chorografia fue redactada en tiempos de Claudio, pero también utiliza fuentes anteriores con datos sobre todo de M.

Vipsanio Agripa y M. La Naturalis Historia de C. Pero la realidad que aparece en su obra no es la de su tiempo, sino la de una etapa anterior, ya que muchas de las referencias son tomadas de Agripa y Varrón. A los autrigones atribuye diez civitates, entre ellas Tritium y Virovesca7. En el libro siguiente 4, hace refe6 3, Por entre ellos y los salenos, el Saunio.

La traducción de éste y el resto de textos de Plinio es de A. Morogi, Menosca y Vesperies9. En este sentido, si omite Flaviobriga, fundación de Vespasiano, es porque la fórmula de la Citerior que utiliza corresponde a los primeros tiempos del reinado de Claudio d.

Le Roux y J. Se trata de una lectura dudosa ya que la inscripción se encuentra muy fragmentada. Como indica Alföldy , es muy probable que la tercera línea de la inscripción esté mal leída y que falte el nombre de otra comunidad hispana: En su obra 2, 6, 52 ss.

Del mismo modo informa de que los autrigones limitan por el Sur con los berones, que por medio de su territorio corre el río Ebro 2, 6, 64 , y que les pertenece la desembocadura del río Neroua y la civitas de Flaviobriga 2, 6, 7. Son evidentes las contradicciones entre los autores antiguos en lo referente a la extensión y los límites que se establecen para cada uno de estos pueblos.

Pero no vamos a entrar en este tema, pues, como decíamos anteriormente, ha sido tratado con profusión en la bibliografía que se recoge al final del trabajo, sobre todo en el trabajo de E. Ortiz de Urbina, y tiene un tratamiento relativamente novedoso en la Tesis Doctoral de M.

Una inscripción hace referencia a una cohors carietum et veniaesum CIL V, Hay que llamar la atención sobre el hecho de que en dos de las tres ocasiones en que se menciona a los caristos, éstos aparecen unidos a los vennenses, y son nombrados con el término carietes.

Por otro lado hallamos a carietes y vennenses formando parte de la misma cohors y hemos de recordar que era frecuente la formación de unidades auxiliares a partir de dos grupos étnicos vecinos J. García y Bellido , considera a los vennenses vecinos de los caristos por el Sur, piensa que debían ocupar buena parte de la actual provincia de Alava, hasta el Ebro. Sin embargo, es imposible por el momento llegar a delimitar el territorio que este grupo de población controlaba.

Lo que puede deducirse de las fuentes es que entre carietes y vennenses habría una gran afinidad y es posible que entre el siglo I y el siglo II de nuestra era se realizara un proceso de fusión, de unificación de ambos grupos, proceso que explicaría la no aparición de los vennenses en la obra de Ptolomeo, como veremos.

Ortiz de Urbina, Véase ahora la Tesis de M. Hay que tener presente que son los primeros momentos de contacto con Roma, ya que, a la luz de los datos que proporciona Ptolomeo, a mediados del siglo II d.

En este contexto fueron los geógrafos antiguos los que a la hora de transmitir la información, simplificaron en exceso sus textos dando lugar con sus afirmaciones a interpretaciones posteriores que han llevado a equívocos. Dejando aparte esta discusión por estar ampliamente tratada tanto en E. Ortiz de Urbina, como en M. El resto de referencias de delimitación de estas poblaciones puede verse in extenso en el artículo citado de J.

Santos, y M. Bosch Gimpera que es la que recogemos aquí. Véase in extenso en J. Las primeras noticias concretas sobre los pueblos de Aquitania se deben a César a. Dejando aparte las exageraciones necesarias para aumentar su reputación militar, César es el primero que reconoce y describe a Aquitania como una región diferente en lengua y cultura a la Galia.

El nombre de Aquitania, no siempre referido en la Antigüedad al mismo territorio, fue utilizado por primera vez por César BG 1,7 , al nombrar a una de las tres partes en que se dividía la Galia.

Al este del Garona, hasta Toulouse, estaba la Provincia romana. En su reorganización provincial del imperio, Augusto añadió a la Aquitania los catorce pueblos galos entre el Garona y el Loira, con lo que el nombre se aplica a un territorio inmensamente mayor.

Dax , los auscos y los convenos, en el interior, a quienes los romanos han concedido el Latium posteriormente al año 27 a. Al contrario, las tierras del interior, tanto de los auscos, como de los convenos, son mejores Algunos de estos pueblos se extienden hasta el curso del Ródano y por las llanuras de la Narbonense.

Habitan entre el río Garuna, que les sirve de frontera, y el monte Pirene. Por tratarse de una división territorial pequeña le fue añadida la zona comprendida entre el Garuna y el Líger. Ambos ríos son casi paralelos al Pirene, configurando con él dos regiones en forma de paralelogramo cuyos otros costados son el Océano y los montes cemenos. Sobre un total de unos dos mil estadios es posible la navegación por cada uno de ellos. No les pagan tributos no es cierto a partir del año 56, fecha de la conquista de Aquitania por P.

Licinio Craso y tienen un enclave comercial, Burdigala, junto al estuario determinado por las desembocaduras del río. El Líger desemboca entre los píctones y los namnetos. En tiempos remotos existía junto al río un enclave comercial, Corbilo Realiza, sin embargo, una enumeración pormenorizada de los numerosos pueblos de Aquitania, diciendo de alguno de ellos que son libres, pero sin mayores especificaciones Ptolomeo menciona 2, 7, 1 ss.

Los pueblos pertenecientes a los aquitanos y situados entre el Garuna y el Líger son: Por la parte que da al Océano, los santones, que habitan, como ya hemos dicho, junto al Garuna, y los píctones, ribereños del Líger. Con la reforma de Diocleciano, en la diocesis Viennensis hay dos provincias, Aquitania prima y Aquitania secunda, cuyo nombre se refiere a la zona entre el Garona y el Loira, la que fue añadida por Augusto a su provincia Aquitania cuando la reorganización provincial.

A la Aquitania de César se le llama ahora Novempopulana A su vez limítrofes con la provincia Narbonense, los rutenos, los cadurcos, los nitióbriges y los petrócoros, separados de los tolosanos por el río Tarne. En la obra de Plinio s.

Pero, mientras Plinio segunda mitad del s. III o el s. Se trataría en este caso de una especie de autonomía administrativa para la leva de reclutas e impuestos y la creación de una verdadera provincia debía esperar a la reorganización administrativa de Diocleciano. Santos Yanguas, , passim y G. Pereira Menaut, , Capalbo Liesa, , 49 ss. Pero, probablemente por la naturaleza inhóspita para la agricultura de la zona costera, de la que nos habla Estrabón vid.

A pesar de que la capital de la Aquitania de Augusto es Saintes, Burdeos sigue siendo importante por su papel de puerto notable desde el punto de vista económico y como redistribuidor de productos a lo largo de las vías de agua. Se trata de Morogi y Vesperies. Ambas carecen de una ubicación segura. Lo mismo sucede con Vesperies. Ninguna de las localizaciones propuestas, Eibar, Azpeitia, Hondarribia y Ciérvana, tiene base real, salvo la ubicación siguiendo los grados ptolemaicos.

No obstante, los trabajos arqueológicos realizados en Forua y sus alrededores por A. Martínez Salcedo y M. No hay base suficiente para inclinarse por una u otra explicación, pero difícilmente se compadece con la actuación de los romanos en esta época para 22 R. Iglesias, y C. Morillo, , citados en la bibliografía.

Esta vía, la Ab Asturica Burdigalam Itin. A la mayoría de las civitates cuya identificación con un lugar actual es bastante probable aunque no sólo las ubicadas en esta vía se les puede asignar un doble yacimiento, un castro de la Edad del Hierro y, en las cercanías, un yacimiento romano, cuya vida se inicia inmediatamente después de la conquista romana y que se abandona a partir del s. Este hecho admite una doble interpretación.

O, como han propuesto algunos autores modernos, se trata del proceso de bajada al llano de los indígenas por imposición de Roma, tal y como sucede en el caso de los astures Flor. De Flaviobriga se conoce su estatuto por el propio Plinio NH 4, Ptolomeo 2, 6, 7 la cita como una de las póleis de los autrigones, pero sin la mención como colonia.

Sobre la época de fundación no parece haber mayor discusión, pudiéndose situar entre el 69 año de acceso al imperio de Vespasiano y el 77 año de la muerte de Plinio. Etienne , así lo cree y aporta una serie de pruebas para inclinar la balanza a que, desde los flavios, fuera la capital política de Aquitania: Sillières en estas mismas Actas y, para el territorio hispano, J.

Se trata de aquellas a las que se hace referencia en la epigrafía de otras zonas de Hispania mediante los cognomina en -ensis formados a partir del nombre de la civitas. Parece que hay acuerdo casi general en que estos cognomina hacen referencia a la civitas comunidad ciudadana , pero no necesariamente privilegiada. Lo mismo sucede con Suestatium. Se conocen tres inscripciones en las que individuos pertenecientes a esa civitas lo hacen constar por estar fuera del territorio de la misma mediante sendos cognomina en -ensis.

Una consideración especial merece Veleia. Tras las excavaciones llevadas a cabo por G. Nieto a finales de los cuarenta y comienzos de los años cincuenta es por todos admitida la identificación de esta civitas con las ruinas romanas de Iruña, el conocido oppidum de Iruña, despoblado cercano a Trespuentes.

La importancia del oppidum excavado por G. No parece que un pequeño fragmento de bronce con la inscripción CIV , hallado en la campaña de excavaciones de deba leerse unívocamente como civitas, ya que caben otras posibilidades El léxico pliniano sobre Hispania: El diseño de un espacio político: Pérez Jiménez y G. Y claramente desempeña este papel de capital política en los siglos II y III, cuando residen en ella los gobernadores con brillantes carreras políticas.

Quintanilla de las Viñas, cerca de Lara de los Infantes Burgos. T e r ogo p raeteriens d icas s it t ibi t erra l evis. Mañanes, , 54 s. Le Roux y P. Ciprés, , ss. Gil Zubillaga, En prensa. Santiago de Compostela, De Brigantium a Oiasso. Las estelas decoradas de los conventus Cesaraugustano y Cluniense. Cambios estructurales versus romanización convencional. La transformación del paisaje político en el norte de Hispania, en J.

The incorporation of the Southern Aquitaine basin into the Roman Empire: Hispania y el ejército romano. Contribución a la historia social de la España antigua. Estado de la cuestión, Studia Historica. Antigüedad 6, Salamanca, Vías y comercios en las sociedades del norte peninsular en la Antigüedad: Las fuentes documentales escritas apenas constituyen una docena de citas siempre muy poco informativas y la documentación arqueológica es igualmente muy poco conocida y estudiada.

En este tema hay que dejar la palabra a los arqueólogos; pero los arqueólogos, en este caso, nos dicen muy poco. De ello hablaré en la segunda parte de mi exposición. El interés del poder romano occidental, y el de los historiadores antiguos del período, se concentra en los problemas y acontecimientos que suceden en sus relaciones con los pueblos establecidos en las provincias de Gallaecia y Lusitania, y mucho menos en Tarraconense o Bética1.

Sin embargo, en los primeros años del siglo V el panorama cambia radicalmente. Constancio concede tierras a los godos desde Tolosa Toulouse hasta el Océano sedes in Aquitanica a Tolosa usque ad Occeanum acceperunt , como registra la Chronica de Hydacio. Conviene detenerse un momento en reflexionar sobre algunos problemas del territorio y sus ocupantes.

Se pueden consultar también J. Los gobernadores de la Dioecesis Hispaniarum ss. Matthews, Western Aristocracies, pp. Cesa, Impero Tardoantico, pp. Paulino de Pella en su Eucharisticon describe bien su presencia allí4. Este establecimiento obedecía a dos razones: Al margen de la enorme controversia surgida en cuanto a la interpretación de este texto, que ha dado lugar a una abundante bibliografía, lo que me interesa destacar aquí es que a partir de los primeros años del s.

Se ha discutido mucho también la razón del por qué se les instaló en este territorio y no en otro. Thompson defendió a ultranza que fueron establecidos allí para hacer frente y evitar los bacaudae armoricanos. Si hubieran sido establecidos en Novempopulana, hubiéramos pensado que Constancio, es decir, la autoridad romana, trataba de crear una defensa de Hispania contra el paso eventual de otros pueblos a la Península.

Pero no hubo godos en la Novempopulana, al menos de modo masivo. Es evidente que ello determinó los contactos y el modo de los mismos. Para este período se puede decir que ya no estamos dentro del sistema propio y fluido de intereses del Imperio romano y las políticas de defensa coartan y determinan las relaciones y contactos.

De hecho, el papiro Strass. Maximiano, dice el poema recogido en el papiro, estaba detenido por la guerra en Hispania, mientras sus colegas hacían frente a otros escenarios militares Divisiones de la Galia a comienzos del siglo V d. La Tarraconense, en manos y control romanos, llegaba hasta la misma Cantabria también8. Al poco tiempo su capital es de nuevo Bracara. Olissipo Lisboa , Portus Cale y la propia Bracara son ciudades de dominio suevo.

Page, Greek Literary Papyri Loeb , n. Nunc secura est, ut de latere gallico taceam, quamvis paene conspicuis litoribus, Hispania, nunc Italia, nunc Africa año Referencias genéricas, imprecisas retóricas, pero el eco de estas campañas llegó a ser recogido en una inscripción de Banasa, en la Tingitana, que se refiere a la Victoria Augusta contra unos barbari que Seston identificó con los franci, mencionados en los textos de los panegiristas de Maximiano Fenómeno semejante se observa en el siglo IV como veremos.

Seston, Dioclétien et la Tétrachie, Paris, , p. Por un lado, porque varios autores, y yo mismo, hemos demostrado que la situación que refleja la Notitia no se corresponde con la posible realidad de comienzos del siglo V. Corrobora esta afirmación un texto de Olympiodoro complementado por 14 Cf. El ejército oficial no existía: El historiador Zósimo atestigua tropas en Lusitania, que probablemente son de burgarii, situados para la defensa de las ciudades, como sugirió Le Roux El enfrentamiento con el ejército del usurpador lo hace un ejército privado reclutado a expensas de los familiares de Teodosio, Dídimo y Veriniano.

Si existía un ejército oficial, no se puso de parte ni del emperador legítimo ni se pasó al usurpador nunca se hace referencia a él en la detallada descripción de los hechos que se encuentra en Zósimo, Olympiodoro y Orosio Multitud de episodios demuestran el uso del mar en los conflictos y usurpaciones que agitaron la historia del los primeros años del siglo V. Orosio nos informa, sin dejar de expresar su admiración, que en el año el comes Heraclianus intentó, después de su sublevación en Africa, dirigirse a Roma con una inmensa flota de naves, tan increíble y nunca vista en nuestro tiempo Orosio , que, añade, que disponía de navíos, efectivos, que no tuvo ni la de Jerjes:

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